The only unifying objective
behind the various campaigns to shift humanity away from CO2-emitting fossil
fuels is to ensure that the upper atmosphere continues to be able to keep the
earth’s surface temperatures bearable.
It is a challenge borne of
scientific analysis and a problem that can’t be successfully addressed until
all global beneficiaries of the status quo join in.
Climate scientists and the
social sciences of persistent human wants agree that it can’t be solved without
either a formal global agreement to cut emissions or transformative breakthroughs
in energy research and innovation. The
environmental movement generally rejects the latter as too optimistic and too
slow.
(The world’s fossil fuel industry
is highlighted because it is the principal source of the energy we all crave,
not because today’s oil executives are ideal campaign targets as robber baron
capitalists run amok. Most of the value they generate ends up in consumer and
producer governments. Also, they are amon the smartest employers of
scientists and engineers in the world. More important, their industry only
exists because we all use their products and haven’t found a tolerable way to
stop.)
Climate-change campaigners
are dedicated to global top-down action. You start with the affluent and
enlightened democracies, scold rich skeptics, and eventually plead with Asia,
the climate crime’s feisty new entrant.
This is work for unifiers,
not dividers.
And, so, you’d think that the
urgency of their unifying mission would guide their tactics. That they would
set aside unresolved, divisive arguments from those innocent times when we
divided over capitalism, socialism, and religion without a care in the world
for the upper atmosphere.
Yet the notion of thinking
globally and acting locally isn’t working. Local, it seems, is also easier to
think about.
Fragmented campaigns using filmable
fragments of the planet are dividing even early adopters. Consensus science is
being shouldered out of the campaign by sensationalism, ideology, regionalism,
and the primitive religious claims of Mother Earth and scene-scape warriors in
penthouse cities along our lovely, chilly coasts.
Three fair immediate
illustrations:
Manitoba
Transportation Minister Steve Ashton announced
last week that his government formally opposes the transportation of Alberta’s oil
on an existing rail line across the vast, empty lands of northern Manitoba to
the seaport at Churchill — turning his back on the last hundred years of co-operative
Western development through that "gateway province." Ashton would close another
commercial outlet for a sister province because transporting oil by rail today is
“too risky to the environment and the safety of those who live in the north.”
Without bothering with a
proper review of the proposal by the Transportation Safety Board of Canada, the
Manitoba government embraces this extravagant, untested assertion by Grand
Chief Irvin Sinclair:
“One
derailment or spill is all it would take to destroy the livelihood of
generations," Mr. Sinclair said.
“There
goes the wildlife,” he said. “There goes a way of life for everybody if
something drastic happens. It would be devastating to the environment.”
Coal
mining protest in B.C. is set to erupt, according to The Globe and Mail, because significant commercial
deposits of clean-burning coal unfortunately were discovered in the wrong
valley:
“Nothing
is more sacrosanct to the Tahltan than the Sacred Headwaters – a high, wide
valley 400 kilometers just hours south of Alaska. There, the Stikine, Skeena,
and Nass salmon rivers that nourished aboriginal cultures of the Pacific
Northwest originate in an area known to First Nations as Klabona, or Klappan.
According to native myth, the Big Raven
forged the world in that valley.”
Ryan
Lizza's New Yorker
report Keystone XL, a gossipy
political update on Obama’s so-called “signature” environmental decision,
quotes Kate Gordon, the senior policy/marketing talent behind California
billionaire Tom Steyer’s anti-Keystone television campaign. She was a reluctant
convert:
“She
did see the benefits of the campaign, however: “The goal is as much about
organizing young people around a thing.
But you have to have a thing. You can’t organize people around a tipping point
on climate change.”
Phantom jobs in Canada’s
largely uninhabitable north, non-existent gods everywhere, catastrophic
scenarios about the resource, pipeline, and rail industries that still are the
workhorses of North America, the cleanest economic superpower in history — all
have equal place in the marketing tool kit of today’s climate change movement.
None of these divisive
fragments — these stories about “things” — has anything to contribute to mobilizing
the world to address climate change intelligently.
They put untruths to work, create
demons, and invite heads of states and local politicians to tighten other
people’s belts.
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