Moderate conservatives have never trusted either mass
opinion or their own zealots. Until Lincoln, nowhere in the Western world were
they confident that America’s federal democracy would survive, let alone create
Machiavelli’s effective state.
Today, they itch to get the dreamers and the masses out of
the business of governing. They support the presidential candidate they think
will most likely turn Washington back to a half-imagined age when grown-ups cut
deals and made timely, wise decisions.
The candidate with the least attachment to his own votes, his
own party idealists, or ideas generally, has won the endorsement of
Washington’s most respected moderate conservative, David Brooks. The Upside of Opportunism
concludes:
“The bottom line is this: If
Obama wins, we’ll probably get small-bore stasis; if Romney wins, we’re more
likely to get bipartisan reform. Romney is more of a flexible flip-flopper than
Obama. He has more influence over the most intransigent element in the
Washington equation House Republicans. He’s more likely to get big stuff done.”
In today’s National
Post’s, Kelly McParland
echoes Brooks’ case:
“Still, I’d vote for Romney,
precisely because I think he’s capable of compromise, and I don’t believe
anything will get done in Washington over the next four years without a sea
change in the willingness to compromise.”
Apparently, victorious Republican radicals in Congress would
be further embittered by the re-election of Barack Obama and wouldn’t give him
the modest tax increase he was elected on, nor even one of their own concoction.
On the other hand, first-term flip-flopper Mitt Romney would have a realistic
chance of getting them to break their election promises and agree to raising
taxes.
We’ll have to leave it to Glenn Beck and Paul Ryan to tell
us what the Founding Fathers would make of this confidence in the motive power
of flip-flopping. However, we’re all free to wonder what the West’s first modern
political scientist would think.
Machiavelli didn’t have to worry about elections, free
speech, or the rule of law. Consequently, he’s famous for readily endorsing fear as the surest instrument for getting
things done.
However, it’s doubtful he’d offer the same advice today
without first making sure that we’re still playing politics by the same rules. In
this free, troubled society, he’d worry a lot more about what the people on the
streets think of the character of his
prince and less about what goes on in his dungeons.
Since the people now elect and re-elect leaders, he’d care a
great deal about what his prince had promised and whether his prince had the
skill, trust, and popular appeal to ask the people and their representatives to
change their minds, to sacrifice.
Machiavelli wouldn’t bother to moralize about flip-flopping.
But, unless there was no other way to feed his family, he wouldn’t offer his
services to a compulsive flip-flopper. What, Machiavelli would ask himself,
would the flip-flopper use to break the impasse in Washington?
He wouldn’t have the people waiting on the hills to back him
up. After all, his promises avoided tough change and aren’t taken seriously
anyway.
A flip-flopper is not a complex intriguer with a sophisticated
hidden agenda. He’s nothing more than an office-seeker who can’t sit still.
Machiavelli would be intrigued, however, by the incumbent,
Barack Obama. Here’s a compromiser with some magic. He’s changed his mind on a
range of dangerous issues, kept his reputation and won. He can go back to the
negotiating table without fear of being able to close or able to explain his
actions.
He can pursue private promises he’s made in public.
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