In the white-hot last days of this important presidential election,
liberal columnists are starting to tell us why their candidate may be losing.
You’d think that before deciding to deflate our morale they might have assured
themselves they had something new, urgent, and possibly even redemptive to say.
Frank Bruni in Obama's Squandered
Advantages in yesterday’s New
York Times clearly didn’t. Is there anything in these platitudes that is
fresh and, more important, convincing in the way he repeats them?
“There’s room in those numbers for Obama to pull
well ahead of a rival as profoundly flawed as Romney. Yet he hasn’t.
“But Obama’s greatest gift has been Romney
himself, whose wealth, his tin-eared allusions to it, his offshore accounts and
his unreleased tax returns are an especially awkward fit for a moment of
increased anxiety about income inequality.
"The main cause for this contest’s closeness is
arguably Obama — and the ways in which he has disappointed, confused and
alienated some of the voters who warmed and even thrilled to him four years
ago. During his first term, he at times misjudged and mishandled his Republican
opposition. As a communicator, he repeatedly failed to sell his policies
clearly and forcefully enough.”
Damn
it.
Obama’s
policies "disappointed" liberals. Nevertheless, he could have sold them to most
everyone else.
Obama
halted a Great Recession and bolstered a capitalist recovery in tandem with George
Bush’s Federal Reserve and conservative governments in Canada, France, Germany,
Great Britain—and California, for that matter. Yet, according to Bruni, the
snob didn’t bother to seduce Republicans in Washington.
Why
didn’t he keep up the "thrill" of election night 2008 the way Lyndon Johnson
did for those amazing few years after Jack Kennedy’s assassination—when America
was feeling both omnipotent and less than perfect at the same time?
Please.
Obama’s
first two years of legislative accomplishments
were not bold, flawless, liberal gestures, but were good enough to save the
economy and open up a pathway to universal health care.
They’re
whipping boys for Republicans who sat out the drama. They didn’t save dozens of
Obama Democrats in the 2010 midterm elections. Next week, however—when some 20 million
more Americans bother to vote—they should weigh heavily in Obama’s favor,
and against Mitt Romney.
Obama’s
record as an incumbent politician is only one-half of the character issue. The
other half is Mitt Romney’s performance as aspiring presidential candidate.
On
healthcare, he’s been unconscionable. In the midst of crisis—the Recovery Plan
negotiations, the auto bailouts, financial regulatory reform, and Congress’s
game of chicken with the country’s international debt obligations—Romney played
inside party politics or simply stayed out of sight. About the future, he’s
made tax and spending promises his transition team assures us he’s too smart to
pursue.
His
career at Bain Capital isn’t Romney’s Achilles heel, as liberal strategists
have instructed us. If anything, to those who care, it’s a positive. It stands
out as an oasis of discipline and success. Bain’s mission may be myopic, but
it’s demanding and Romney was good at it.
Furthermore,
during frustrating economic times, when those who vote still have a great deal
more materially they could lose, why would steely Obama strategists think it
would be to Obama’s advantage to run as a seasoned politician against a
seasoned businessman?
In
truth, Romney is not any less a professional politician than Obama, or aiming to
be anything other than a politician for the next four years.
The
choice for voters may be bitter, but it’s not unclear. We know there are many
questionable and risky things Obama won’t do for votes, for his base, or for
immediate national approval. Except when talking about the Mullahs of Iran, have
we seen Romney draw a line, even in the air?
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