It’s entirely
possible that Donald Trump voters still don’t appreciate that he’s unfit to
protect Eastern Ukraine, let alone is adult about the existential significance
of America’s nuclear deterrent. Does he yet know that “Trump” no longer stands
for luxurious escape? Are any of us sure he’s not beholding to
Vladimir Putin and, therefore, too conflicted to be allowed to be President?
Can this sickening
state of not knowing be intolerable, constitutionally? Clinton Campaign Manager,
sad-eyed John
Podesta, seems to think so, petitioning the Electoral College to receive an
intelligence briefing on Russia’s dirty tricks before they ratify Trump’s
electoral victory.
We do know one
thing: Liberals are at their best unpacking to stay rather than packing up to leave
centers of power. Up here in Canada, Justin Trudeau is successfully stretching out
the thrill of Ottawa house-hunting and a family restoration in the last safe
capital of liberal moral leadership.
American liberals
aren’t haters. They only deplore the bad things others do and, obviously, deplore losing elections.
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Getting in the way
of a president-elect immediately after his election has a bipartisan history in
this busy century—specifically: contested George Bush ballots in Florida and
the persistent wish that Barack Obama wasn’t born in America. The legality of
those elections, not the ignorance of the voters, was challenged. Resistance
offered amateur partisans emotional release, but didn’t hasten their party’s
return to power.
Indeed, it’s
entirely plausible that Obama’s early, teasing silence on his birth certificate
helped the “Birther Movement” capture wide public attention and, in part, foul
the brand of the presidential Republican Party.
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Donald Trump has
neither the exquisite WASP reserve of Barack Obama nor his political savvy. However, I can’t resist the thought that he’s
putting the Democrat’s leadership in an increasingly awkward position on his
bromance with Vladimir Putin.
Throughout the
election, Trump purred that it would be “nice” to get along with Russia and its
government. He won. And now he’s doubled
down with provocative indifference by nominating Rex Tillerson, the CEO of
ExxonMobil, as his Secretary of State. Tillerson actually has a multibillion-dollar relationship with Putin and runs possibly the most globally invested
business in the global economy.
To economic
nationalists dedicated publicly to the notion that global capitalism is out of
control, Tillerson is a dangerous, unavoidable target.
As was that “black
Kenyan” for Republicans, Rex Tillerson’s resume will raise money amongst core
Democrats. Will ambitious Democrats, however, be able to keep their distance
from the kind of vulgar taunts that disappointed Barack Obama—right through to
his successful re-election in 2012?
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