Alberta’s new
Premier can’t bank on an extended honeymoon just because she’s the first
un-conservative to take office since the Great Depression. There’s nothing especially attractive about
watching yet another social democrat mature in office. The conventions on dancing
to the left of Conservatives and Liberals without being too “socialistic” are
time-tested and tiresome.
It’s all so
Canadian: They grow politically when they accept that most of their time will
be spent graciously—and promptly—addressing other people’s messes.
The Alberta
electorate was emphatic. Abacus
Data’s survey of post-election attitudes confirms that the vast majority of
Albertans are pleased that they have a new government. That same majority,
however, doesn’t want to change Alberta very much, nor downsize its expensive
expectations as tax-paying workers and clients of her government.
Alberta’s economic
circumstances are far less certain than the demands of its people. The
foundation of its exceptional wealth hasn’t been low taxes, seasonal tourism,
superior public infrastructure and a flexible labor force—but robust external
demand for its abundant fossil resources. Right now, the profitability and
access to continental and world markets of those resources are deteriorating. "Next
Year Country" isn’t inspiring much hope right now.
It’s smart in
opposition and in think tanks to blue-sky the other side of the road; diversifying
resource economies is always desirable. But that isn’t what landlocked Prairie
governments are first obliged to do. And telling oil executives, developers,
investors, and staff to not be afraid of Notley and her cadre of Eastern
sophisticates is presumptuous. They have much bigger things to worry about.
Performance
metrics for the Notley government are settling in against a
decade of lower prices.
The urgent
challenge for Notley is not to strike the proverbial right balance as a social
democrat but to embrace the bracing legacy of Peter Lougheed and reassert the
Alberta and the Prairie’s core imperative: equitable support for, and treatment
of, its landlocked resource industries.
To be taxable, to
be able to afford cleaner technologies and standards and to be able to pay off
waves of white-collar lobbyists, ravenous "social license" holders and NIMBYs of
various stripes, the Alberta oil industry must make a handsome profit selling crude
oil at prices buyers set thousands of miles away.
It was harmless
politics in the campaign for Notley simply to shrug that the Keystone oil
pipeline and the Gateway Project had been fatally mishandled by insensitive right-wingers. Being stoical about past failures, however,
isn’t what Alberta Premiers are elected to do.
Without Keystone,
the most advanced and economic line to meet new oil production already
approved, Alberta will stop being a competitive place to invest and that means
lower employment and personal as well as public income.
There is no doubt
that powerful and influential shallow forces in Washington, BC, Ontario, and
Quebec would find it less displeasing and less politically expensive to burn another
barrel of “Notley Alberta Oil” than another barrel of Stephen Harper’s. Fair or not, that’s the Alberta “advantage”
today—and she’s obliged to play it.
Notley can surely get
a second hearing of Alberta vital interests. The only question is where she is
prepared to assert them.
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