There are very few
retired presidents we miss immediately; some it takes forever. I’m expecting to
miss Barack Obama the morning of January 23, 2017. Before we get emotional,
however, we have time for an adult conversation about how we’ll get along without
him.
Post-Obama
Washington will only be less dangerous if more questions and points of view, not
fewer, have influence on its decisions. Fine-grained decision-making’s true
threat is the pack. Weaken the pack and we’ll be safer. Twitter and its intrusive companions are
starting to do just that and in doing so are serving deliberative democracy.
First, however, we must be adult about our problem.
(Please accept
“our” from a Canadian writer as shorthand for: equally interested and ready to offer
opinions and live with the North American consequences but not permitted yet by
Canadian delicacy to assume the responsibility American citizens must exercise
every four years.)
There will not be
a candidate for president in 2016 that will solve our problem for us. The next president can’t be another second-term Barack Obama already tested by the
reckless temptations of the most powerful office in the world. Retired Cabinet
Secretaries can write diaries but only experience vicariously the weight of
office. Most important, there’s no praetorian guard of public servants, Pentagon
pensioners and print pundits that we can count on to stop the next president from
doing stupid stuff.
Washington’s
“strategic thinkers” can’t be trusted not because they’re cowed by extremists
or Gallop and Pew reports on the temperature of the people, their dread that
Canadians and the French will decide that the president of the United States of
America can’t play Supremo anymore, but because they stampede like us.
Snooty whining
about no-nothing populism is a dodge.
Overwhelmingly, Americans
delegate world affairs to those trained in abstractions, who use their
passports frequently. They don’t seek out pollsters or hold an up-to-date portfolio
of geopolitical ambitions. They’re not itching for action, weary or bored with
the world. The people watch the news, they get upset, but they don’t play with fire.
On the other hand,
Washington’s “strategic thinkers” are not at all intimidated by danger; otherwise,
they’d stay at the lowliest rungs of their respective greasy poles. They’re actually
attracted to trouble, because in trouble, power is truly manifest. They mill
about the White House and adjacent media studios as children on Oscar night.
They want, if only
once in their professional lives, to feel the thrill of being on the side of
shock and awe. Their smooth minds race, just like ours, when serious trouble is
within reach — and that brings me directly to my case for Twitter and its
various manifestations.
Temperamentally,
the gray network of Washington and the social network of the Internet are
equally human and worthy of attention.
A tweet and an
obsequious interview with Ralf Blitzer or a backgrounder for the New York Times are often one in the same — both are making it up as they go along.
Here’s an
instructive example of long-form persuasion by a “strategic thinker” in the
long-form reader’s national paper. In the buildup for possibly another Middle
East war, the NYT’s White House Memo saw fit to circulate this bon mot:
“But Mr. Obama’s determination to move
deliberately and line up support from allies before confronting threats means
that he has sometimes appeared to be a spectator to events outside his control.
“‘Caution is often
an excellent quality,’ [NATO’s former top commander and now Dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy] James G.
Stavridis said. ‘But in this case it may be a bit of a luxury.’ He noted that
the challenges presented by ISIS and Russia appear to be developing faster than
the administration’s response.”
The most powerful
superpower in human history doesn’t have the luxury to take its time, to weigh
all its options before it leaps? What’s the difference between that shallow
nonsense and the shallow “dung heap” populating too much of Twitter?
Of course, much on
Twitter is fevered. No one, fortunately, has any illusions about that or believes
that the medium has fully evolved. Twitter, Facebook and blogs, however, already
offer every bit as much space for careful analysis and dissent, in the midst of
a Washington crisis, than those journals of opinion that far too long have
dominated the solemn word game that drives Washington.
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