Even on this lucky continent,
resourceful politicians must learn how to survive periods of constrained
resources. There are many tested ways to perform on the cheap: For instance,
amend commercial, consumer, and environmental regulations; update the criminal code; make a solid impression at international conferences; and assign blame to others, those who aren't liked by most of their voters.
This new century’s signature
ploy may be the bluff, hints of heroic intention that fall well short of heroic
action.
Here are a few familiar
subjects worthy of heroic treatment: climate change, Russian military
aggression, the middle class’s disappearing American Dream, nuclear
proliferation, Iran, and North Korea. And here is an eclectic, short list of active
practitioners: Barack Obama, Stephen Harper, William Hague, Hillary Clinton,
Chrystia Freeland, and all Western neocons and recent premiers of Ontario.
Here are a few illustrations (If
you laugh spontaneously, they’re flops. If they remind you of Sir Winston Churchill — out of power — they work):
William
Hague, foreign secretary of the most literate and shrinking English-speaking
power, declares that the crisis in the Crimea represented the “gravest security
threat of the 21st century.”
Chrystia
Freeland, Member of Parliament for Rosedale, calls for sanctions against Russia
that “bite.”
Stephen
Harper suggests that Russia be kicked out of the G-8.
Barack
Obama’s applies the cold war Domino Theory to Crimea.
Hillary
Clinton calls for a “mass movement” to stop global warming.
At first glance, I was most
impressed by Hague’s alarming historical framework. He implied that brave
action by everyone must be taken, that failure to act will haunt us in the
history books. But the record of this busy century quickly gets in the way. Is
today’s Crimea crisis actually more dangerous than 9/11 and global terrorism,
the Iraq War, the Great Recession and the sovereign debt crisis in the
Eurozone, and all that’s looming in Iran, China, and North Korea?
Only Hillary
Clinton’s radical sounding exhortation has staying power. Her heroic
challenge won’t be taken off the public agenda merely by behind-the-scenes
diplomacy. It has awful staying power. More importantly, her statement in no
way leaves her accountable. She can make a fortune giving speeches about a
terrible problem or, conceivably, become America’s third president waiting for "mass" encouragement to exercise responsible leadership.
Is bluff always dangerous or
bad for us? Not necessarily.
In the '80s — when his
declaration was meant have effect — Ronald Reagan’s belligerent declaration
that the Soviet Union was an “evil empire” struck many as irresponsible, a
charge best made by a bishop, not a president in a nuclear cold war.
Even-tempered Barack Obama is
not good at bluffing — fortunately.
His “red line” assertion about
Syria was taken seriously by the Economist,
Senator John McCain, and, allegedly, by factions in Syria’s civil war — but not
across America. Consequently, when his line was crossed, America didn’t have to
get into another war to preserve its honor and another president’s credibility.
Defiant American and Canadian
rhetoric about effective sanctions on Putin’s Russia, however, are probably
doing more harm than good. The more we "own the podium," the less that affluent
Europe has to sacrifice for its own security.
Finally, should we be
embarrassed about our tolerance for and today’s promiscuous use of the bluff? Not
this year, for sure.
The year 2014 is the hundredth anniversary
of a slaughter that was caused and sustained not by bad intelligence and the
stresses of rapid change, but by leaders and peoples seduced by hateful myths
about their neighbors and ridiculously extravagant rhetoric about honor.
Better to be alive now — in
an age of comics and cynics. Our political leaders can still be persuasive, but
we’re not as easily taken in or enslaved by their bluffs.
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